Archive for February, 2011

Torn Tongue: Verbs Beginning With "G"

Friday, February 25th, 2011
Previously we talked about verbs in Torn Tongue.  Here are some vocabulary verbs (that have counterparts as nouns) beginning with "G."


English ......................... Torn Tongue
to give ............................ em
to govern ........................ affi
to grip ............................ araq
to group, to gather ........... emu
to grow ........................... amu
to guide .......................... afala

Torn Tongue: Verbs Beginning With "G"

Friday, February 25th, 2011
Previously we talked about verbs in Torn Tongue.  Here are some vocabulary verbs (that have counterparts as nouns) beginning with "G."


English ......................... Torn Tongue
to give ............................ em
to govern ........................ affi
to grip ............................ araq
to group, to gather ........... emu
to grow ........................... amu
to guide .......................... afala

High Eolic word of the day: lin

Friday, February 25th, 2011

lin (noun or quantifier): hundred, a hundred; a hundred men. Also occurs as a personal name, Lindut (or Linas).

lind-á langa ngúrnam veláyarcalá
hundred-PL also see.PERF.TRANS fire.Deity.ACC.PL
“hundreds more have seen the flames of the Deity”
(Taršemâ, Arûm 2: 2)

Listen to the example sentence here: W_HE_040_lin_example

lin can be used both as a stand-alone noun and as a numeral (as in rattásuralin ‘a hundred soldiers’). The personal name Lindut, also occurring in the form Linas, is quite popular in Eoleon, as are names derived from other numerals (such as Ngurnas from ngurn ‘twelve’ and Lárindas from lárind ‘thousand’). They should probably interpreted in the sense of bestowing upon the bearer of the name the qualities or capabilities that can be expected of a (group of) X people, such as “[powerful like] a hundred [men]“.

Lunparolo "Moonspeak"

Thursday, February 24th, 2011
I am looking for feedback. Yeah, please don't shoot me for using Esperanto; I have a similar conlang called Lesani, based on Swahili, that becomes an auxlang of the African Federation in the mid 21st century and is one of the three official languages on humanity's first colony in another solar system. That one is much cooler, I swear.




On 2087-01-05, the Lunar Assembly convened for the first time. The first question to be decided was the matter of official language: there were 11 settlements on Earth's moon, with five languages between them. As a joke, one delegates suggested Esperanto; other delegates took his proposal seriously, and on 02-09 the Assembly voted to use the language as the "unofficially official auxiliary" through the end of 2088. The experiment proved successful, and Esperanto was adopted as the Assembly's official language on 2089-02-21: records of the Assembly would be published in Esperanto rather than French, Japanese and English.

By 2100, all of the settlements were teaching Esperanto along side their local languages. A generation grew up speaking it and it evolved rapidly, with changes in grammar, implicit gender and vocabulary. In 2136, the World Congress of Esperanto held a referendum that declared la idiomo luna had changed to the point where it could no longer be considered Esperanto.

In 2140, the Assembly appointed a team of linguists to codify the new language and introduce orthographic reforms. These changes were presented to the Assembly, and in 2143 Lunparolo was adopted as the official language of the Republiko Luna.


The 27 letters of the alfabeto are taken mainly from the Latin alphabet, with some letters taken from Cyrillic to avoid the use of diacritics. The letters are arranged to correspond to the 28 phonemes of the Esperanto alphabet, excluding Hx. The alphabeto is:

A a, B b, C c, Ч ч, D d, E e, F f, G g, J j, H h, I i, Y y, Ж ж, K k,
L l, M m, N n, O o, P p, R r, S s, Ш ш, T t, U u, W w, V v, Z z

So Ч replaces Esperanto Cx and has the sound of /ch/, J replaces Esperanto Gx and has the sound /dj/, Y replaces Esperanto J and has the sound of /y/, Ж replaces Esperanto Jx and has the sound of /zh/, and so forth.

Most words that once began with kn- have lost the initial k: knabo -> nabo.

Many words have dropped the noun and adjective markers when the word is a base noun or base adjective: viro -> vir, diversa -> divers

When the noun or adjective marker has been dropped, it is re-added when the word is plural, when it changes to a part of speech different from its "natural" part, and with a suffix: leon (lion), leonoy (lions), leona (lionish), leoniko (the study of lions)

Tonic stress is placed on the next to last syllable. When a noun or adjective marker has been dropped, it is still considered present for the purpose of stress: leon ~ le-ON, famili ~ fa-mi-LI

The presence of added syllables at the end of a word, such as from suffixes, will change the position of stress: leoniko ~ le-o-NI-ko

Lunparolo has lost the accusative case marker, and relies on a strict SVO word order to convey grammatical meaning. Following the French standard, adjectives follow the noun they modify. Nouns and adjectives must agree in number.

Most nouns have become intrinsically neuter. The suffix -in- is applied to indicate female and the suffix -iч- to indicate male: leon (lion), leonino (lioness), leoniчo (male lion)

Nouns that retain intrinsic gender mostly refer to people and familial relations. In most cases, the feminine forms were adopted from other languages, primarily French: vir (man) dam (woman), patro (father) matro (mother), frato (brother), suero (sister)

The singular third person pronouns li (he) and шi (she) remain in use. The pronoun ji (it) is used for non-living things; a new pronoun gi is used for living things and for people without gender specification. Corresponding plural pronouns have also become standard: ili (they, masculine), iшi (they, feminine), iji (they, non-living things) and igi (they, living things).

Lunparolo has an honorific suffix taken from Japanese, -(o)san-, that opposes the the "contemptible" suffix -aч-: dam (woman), damaчo (hag), damsano (lady)

Lunparolo "Moonspeak"

Thursday, February 24th, 2011
I am looking for feedback. Yeah, please don't shoot me for using Esperanto; I have a similar conlang called Lesani, based on Swahili, that becomes an auxlang of the African Federation in the mid 21st century and is one of the three official languages on humanity's first colony in another solar system. That one is much cooler, I swear.




On 2087-01-05, the Lunar Assembly convened for the first time. The first question to be decided was the matter of official language: there were 11 settlements on Earth's moon, with five languages between them. As a joke, one delegates suggested Esperanto; other delegates took his proposal seriously, and on 02-09 the Assembly voted to use the language as the "unofficially official auxiliary" through the end of 2088. The experiment proved successful, and Esperanto was adopted as the Assembly's official language on 2089-02-21: records of the Assembly would be published in Esperanto rather than French, Japanese and English.

By 2100, all of the settlements were teaching Esperanto along side their local languages. A generation grew up speaking it and it evolved rapidly, with changes in grammar, implicit gender and vocabulary. In 2136, the World Congress of Esperanto held a referendum that declared la idiomo luna had changed to the point where it could no longer be considered Esperanto.

In 2140, the Assembly appointed a team of linguists to codify the new language and introduce orthographic reforms. These changes were presented to the Assembly, and in 2143 Lunparolo was adopted as the official language of the Republiko Luna.


The 27 letters of the alfabeto are taken mainly from the Latin alphabet, with some letters taken from Cyrillic to avoid the use of diacritics. The letters are arranged to correspond to the 28 phonemes of the Esperanto alphabet, excluding Hx. The alphabeto is:

A a, B b, C c, Ч ч, D d, E e, F f, G g, J j, H h, I i, Y y, Ж ж, K k,
L l, M m, N n, O o, P p, R r, S s, Ш ш, T t, U u, W w, V v, Z z

So Ч replaces Esperanto Cx and has the sound of /ch/, J replaces Esperanto Gx and has the sound /dj/, Y replaces Esperanto J and has the sound of /y/, Ж replaces Esperanto Jx and has the sound of /zh/, and so forth.

Most words that once began with kn- have lost the initial k: knabo -> nabo.

Many words have dropped the noun and adjective markers when the word is a base noun or base adjective: viro -> vir, diversa -> divers

When the noun or adjective marker has been dropped, it is re-added when the word is plural, when it changes to a part of speech different from its "natural" part, and with a suffix: leon (lion), leonoy (lions), leona (lionish), leoniko (the study of lions)

Tonic stress is placed on the next to last syllable. When a noun or adjective marker has been dropped, it is still considered present for the purpose of stress: leon ~ le-ON, famili ~ fa-mi-LI

The presence of added syllables at the end of a word, such as from suffixes, will change the position of stress: leoniko ~ le-o-NI-ko

Lunparolo has lost the accusative case marker, and relies on a strict SVO word order to convey grammatical meaning. Following the French standard, adjectives follow the noun they modify. Nouns and adjectives must agree in number.

Most nouns have become intrinsically neuter. The suffix -in- is applied to indicate female and the suffix -iч- to indicate male: leon (lion), leonino (lioness), leoniчo (male lion)

Nouns that retain intrinsic gender mostly refer to people and familial relations. In most cases, the feminine forms were adopted from other languages, primarily French: vir (man) dam (woman), patro (father) matro (mother), frato (brother), suero (sister)

The singular third person pronouns li (he) and шi (she) remain in use. The pronoun ji (it) is used for non-living things; a new pronoun gi is used for living things and for people without gender specification. Corresponding plural pronouns have also become standard: ili (they, masculine), iшi (they, feminine), iji (they, non-living things) and igi (they, living things).

Lunparolo has an honorific suffix taken from Japanese, -(o)san-, that opposes the the "contemptible" suffix -aч-: dam (woman), damaчo (hag), damsano (lady)

ēnne

Thursday, February 24th, 2011

eenne

ēnne

We’re still on this sentence in the 17th Conlang Relay Text:

il ñamma jacēha ja ñi sāen rā jakērþe ōl nō ā macūma il ñi jakērþe jasērre tō jōrwe ēnne;

When the man attempted to get on to the horse,
then ñi horse jasērre tō jōrwe ēnne.

We know ansērre, here modifying “horse” means “standing upright”. here acts as an instrumentative marker, so jōrwe ēnne is the means by which the horse stands upright. jōrwe looks very much like sōrwe which means “one’s legs”. The s- prefix is only used for animates, however, and the horse is not high enough on the personhood scale to qualify. So, an inanimate form is used instead. Then comes ēnne, which is the word for the number 2, telling us that the horse stood upright on two legs as opposed to one or three or some other number.

When the man attempted to get on to the horse, then the horse stood upright on two legs.

Kaliva

Thursday, February 24th, 2011

Glyph of the word 'kaliva'.

kaliva

  • (n.) cook, chef

Ei ioku kaliva.
“I’m not a chef.”

Notes: I must confess: I kind of hate cooking. I hate preparing food. This is a failing in me, I recognize, but what can I do? I can’t stand it! It takes too long, and more often than not, by the time you’re done you’re not hungry anymore.

This is a disease, I recognize, and one I must figure out how to eradicate. Any suggestions?

On Oleric Round Temples, part I

Thursday, February 24th, 2011

[This is the first in a series of two posts on some aspects of religious practices and beliefs on the Eolians, the speakers of High Eolic. It's a somewhat eccentric departure from the usual conlanging stuff on this blog, but I feel such background information ("conworlding") is really important for fleshing out the feel one gets for one's conlang and its speakers. Hopefully this will be of interest!

The religious terms in italics (such as šayhâna) are not in High Eolic, but Trevecian, the original language of Olerism, the monotheist religion of the Eolians (among other peoples that neighbor them).]

Oleric Round Temples

Oleric Round Temples (šayhâna) are centers of community religious life for Oleric believers, and are extremely numerous in all locales where Olerism is a prominent creed. In theory, anyone can start up their own Round Temple, as long as they have a jug of water, two fires, and can guarantee recitation of Taršemâ verses during daylight hours, as stated in Sôyhemi 22: 13-20 (and expanded upon later in greater detail by Rînayh). In practice, such temples are permanent fixtures, usually built of marble or other types of stone. Their construction can be financed by Great Temples, rich patrons, or local communities themselves.

As their name suggests, Round Temples are round in shape, and usually involve a flat roof or dome suspended on columns arranged in a circle. Inside the circle, there is a slightly raised stone (or packed earth) platform. This may or may not be enclosed by walls, as a separate room with two doors (at the eastern and western ends). In any case, a large jug of water (kôrami) is placed at its center. The platform usually slopes slightly upwards from the periphery towards the center, allowing overflow water from the jug to run off (temples may also have more elaborate drainage systems). The central jug is surrounded by metal vases filled with sand or earth and holding torches or candles that are kept lighted throughout daylight hours. Additionally, two bigger fires are set up, one each at the eastern and western sides of the outer column circle of the temple. They are usually located in large stone vases in between two columns so they point directly east and west, and must be kept burning throughout the day, but may flicker out during the night. Finally, there are usually some stools under the temple’s roof for the priest and the reciters to sit down, as well as a simple screen to shelter reciters from rain and a stand with a copy of the Taršemâ from which they can read verses. The copy of the holy book and other ritual equipment (such as bells, incense, rose leaves etc.) may be kept in a simple hollow or cellar under the temple floor, or may be brought by the priest from his place of residence each day.

Each Round Temple is operated by a single male priest (kâva or talanûf). No formal training is required to fulfill this role, but in practice certain local families often monopolize priestly positions, in collusion with Great Temples and community leaders. The priest performs most Oleric rituals, and is the only person authorized to handle fire within the boundaries of the temple, and is thus the only one allowed to light the torches (or candles) around the central jug, burn incense, and kindle the East-West fires. Priests are also responsible for temple finances, handling donations as well as income from ritual performances and peripheral activities such as selling rose water for the karâpath (a pious action involving a clockwise circumnavigation of the central jug, followed by a small amount of rose water being poured into it). Finally, they are tasked with taking care of the central jug, emptying it of stale water in summer and breaking any ice that may form on it during night-time in winter.

Along with the priest, each temple employs around 10 reciters, one or two of whom recite verses from the Taršemâ throughout daylight hours. Details of organizing recitation vary, but usually, the priest has the responsibility of negotiating shifts with reciters – many of whom may work in recitation part-time, or may perform in several neighborhood temples at different times. Unlike priesthood, recitation does require formal training, and each reciter should be introduced to a local Round Temple by his own instructor from a Great Temple or religious school. In practice, this requirement is often bypassed, and training is often informal – but local communities are quickly able to spot ‘usurpers’ who do not know the Taršemâ well enough or have subpar recitation skills. Essentially, the necessity for formal training is voided if a reciter is considered of good enough standard. This is especially important in areas where Olerism is not firmly entrenched, and where it would be extremely difficult to guarantee that all reciters have been formally trained.

The final category of temple personnel are ‘assistants’ – usually children or youngsters from the neighborhood who help the priest clean the stairs of the temple before sunrise or lower the sûrap (large white cloths used to cover the outer side of temple’s columns during the night) before the morning ritual (tražâna). They also take care of the barrels of rose water available outside the temple for patrons wishing to perform the karâpath: a silver coin or several is usually expected in return for a glass of rose water from these barrels.

‘nedaru: to do obsessively, to do as a bad habit

Wednesday, February 23rd, 2011

Example:
Xe’nedaru ‘lkikilan.
I procrastinate much and it is a bad habit.

‘sikeva is more or less neutral, ‘letena generally good, but ‘nedaru is a undoubtly bad. It is used for the bad habits which one has. The normally acceptable things which are overdone and the bad things which are habitually done. A nedaru’het is such a bad habit or even an addiction. A nedaru’he is afflicted with one or several nedaru’het’ny, last but not least, nedaru’tan means obsession.


Wednesday, February 23rd, 2011

noo

nō 

We’re on this sentence in the 17th Conlang Relay Text:

il ñamma jacēha ja ñi sāen rā jakērþe ōl nō ā macūma il ñi jakērþe jasērre tō jōrwe ēnne;

When the man attempted ja ñi sāen rā horse ōl nō
then ñi horse jasērre tō jōrwe ēnne.

rā jakērþe ōl nō looks straightforward. plus ōl means “on top of” or “over”. The particle generally emphasizes the “to” denoted by . However, here, is modifying another locative particle rather than a noun or pronoun directly. In this usage denotes that there is physical contact with the object of the phrase, namely the horse. So ñi sāen rā jakērþe ōl nō is “he moved to on top of the horse” or “he got on the horse”.

When the man attempted to get on to the horse,
then ñi horse jasērre tō jōrwe ēnne.

We’ll tackle the last clause tomorrow.