A Conreligious Detail: Scripture as Circulating Letters

June 13th, 2021

This text describes a practice of one of the Bryatesle-Dairwueh religions.

Consider a religion wherein the notion of scripture exists, but is significantly different from that of, say, Christianity or Islam.

One type of scripture that is, afaict, unique to Abrahamic religions, is the letter. Christianity has, in its "primary" volume of scripture a set of letters - the epistles. In Judaism, letters do not occur in the Bible, nor do they occur in the Quran in Islam, but in the ongoing process of halakha and sharia - decisions on questions of Jewish and Islamic law - responsa/fatwas from earlier authorities - historically often sent as letters - form an important part of the source material for the decisions. The Jewish and Muslim canon is sort of closed but in some sense, the responsa and fatwa literature is an open scriptural corpus, where new - as well as hypothetical - issues are being discussed and evaluated.

This idea takes that "religious mechanic" and puts some twists on it.

Let's now rather imagine that letters with a variety of religious content - spiritual claims, ethical advice, ritual advice, political advice, eschatological claims, prayers, hymns, stories - are in circulation, but that there's a tradition against copying them.

New letters sometimes enter into circulation, and are deemed as acceptable depending on how well they conform to the known letters of the community to which it first arrives. 

When a community receives a letter, there's a festive celebration - and when they send it on the way, there's a festive celebration.  Physical copies of letters naturally deteriorate over time. A deteriorated letter is not replaced by a copy. Other letters replace it. Some ideas will be lost, some ideas will change over time, some new ideas will enter. The loss of a letter to entropy also is the cause of ritual observances.

The letter and its paraphernalia

With the letter, a rather stylized wooden pole into which the symbols of the eight first congregations to receive and accept the letter are carved (exceptions with as many as twenty congregations may be found). If there is some theme that lends itself to a nice graphical representation, this may affect the ornamentations of the stick. Sometimes, the end of the pole is shaped as animal heads, human heads, implements of war or of agriculture, lamps or candleholders, hands showing culturally important gestures, and in at least a handful of examples human genitalia. The letter itself is inside a leather pouch attached by strings to the stick. 

The pouch may also contain letters about the letter - inquiring as to the veracity of the authorship, clarifying correspondences, etc. Sometimes, ritual objects or relics may be included.

What does it take to get a letter into circulation?

Upon being received at its first congregation, the local clergy - possibly with some input from congregants, and clergy nearby, the letter is taken into consideration. The reputation of the author and of the carrier are taken into account. Nearby congregations may be consulted - and short letters about the letter may be exchanged. When some time has passed, a decision is made, and the letter is - under festive forms - bound to the stylized wooden pole that has been prepared for it, and sent onward to some other congregation.

The next congregation will, after receiving it, arrange a festive occasion for reading the letter aloud. At this occasion, the symbol of the congregation is also carved into the accompanying pole.

A congregation (or rather, its leaders) may decide that it's undecided as to the validity of the letter. If so, it is sent onward without celebration. Onto the pole, a thread is tied with a specific type of knot. If they hold the letter to be invalid, a different type of knot is used.

When receiving a letter with either type of knot, if the congregation decides to uphold the letter as worth keeping in the religion, the congregation's symbol is carved into the pole, and one knot is removed. If deciding to reject the letter or to be undecided, a second knot of the relevant type is added. If the pole receives six undecided-type knots or three reject-type knots, the letter is destroyed in an unceremonious event. Most congregations also consider the reject-type knots to contribute to the undecided sum, so four undecided and two reject-knots would sum as six undecided knots and so warrant destroying it.

Once the letter has received more than five congregational marks and no knots remain, it basically is accepted. In some cases, there's been straggling knots all the way to the sixteenth congregation, but it's unusual to add more knots once the fifth congregation has accepted it. 

This procedure does seem to favor early support over late skepticism.

The reaction of the congregation - but even more so the reaction of the leaders of the congregation - affect whether the letter gets approved, rejected or just remains undecided on. Often, the groups that primarily are affected will have a bit more of a say - if most of the letter concerns women, the women will have some say. If it concerns slave-owners, they will have the first say.

If the letter affects two groups and their relationship, the group that has the most social clout will usually get to decide - so obviously, parents, slave-owners, husbands, land-owners, clergy and nobility are at an advantage.

End of Life

As the letter is worn out by time, a congregation will at some point upon receiving it conclude that it no longer is legible. The letter is then given similar rites as a dying human would receive. A month later, a funeral for the letter takes place, during which the letter is burned. Any relics included with it are either kept at the temple or buried. The pole is returned to its originating congregation, where it too is burned in a funeral-like service.

Circulation

Often, the letters are sent to nearby congregations in a rather haphazard way. Clergy who meet other congregations' clergymen may make deals as to where to send letters over the next years. A certain randomness is inherent and seems to be desired by those who maintain the system. A small temple may have anywhere from zero to three letters in its possession at any time, a large, urban temple may have as many as twenty.

If a clergyman perceives that a certain issue is present in his congregation, he may ask surrounding clergymen to forward letters pertaining to that particular topic.

Effects on doctrine, rite and ethics

The corpus of letters in circulation is written over decades - some letters even being more than a century old - by several dozen writers over a land area corresponding to the size of the Ukraine. Naturally, there are contradictions within the corpus.

Since congregations do not keep their letters for very long, the memory of their contents also deteriorates, and teachings are slowly distorted. Thus, whenever a letter arrives and the festivities have subsided, there may be a somber day of correction, when the congregation repents for previously held mistaken beliefs that the letter corrects.

Not all letters have this effect, and in the presence of a contradicting letter, the two inconsistent beliefs will not always be held to require repentance - some congregations seem to favor newly arrived letters over letters that have been received in the recent past (and not yet been forwarded), others seem to give priority to the letter they have had the longest at the moment of reception. There are also congregations that seem to favor the oldest letter in such cases. This has also been discussed in letters, and a congregations decisions with regards to conflicting content may depend on the letters it has had over recent years.

Contradictions are inevitable. Ways of ritually resolving these issues exist, and seem to provide the congregations with a strong community-building mechanism, where the whole congregation takes part both in the same "mistake" (which would've been correct had the letter arrived in the other way around), and in the same "correction", which in turn may turn into a new mistake, and correction. The ritual grief over these errors also are used to teach a form of humility - humans will be mistaken, and must learn to live with this fact.

Abuses

Certain abuses of the custom have occurred. It is not unusual that letters which make impopular demands are stolen and destroyed. Such demands include sexual abstinence, charity and kindness to the poor, kind treatment of slaves.

Another, less frequent type of abuse is forgery. Usually, this is combined with some kind of theft - going to the effort of fabricating the paraphernalia in addition to the letter itself is a bit of an effort.

At least one example where a letter containing the instruction that clergymen should consecrate marriages by having sex with the bride was forged by some clergymen in collusion.

Content

I hope to include in this blog at some point some samples of the letters, especially in the languages of Dairwueh and Bryatesle. Many of the letters contain non-religious details as well, and a rather sweet example of this is this particular passage, which lead to the popularity of Armri as a female name, and regionally nearly made the name mandatory for any girls' whose father's name was Jeris:

I Jeris-at, xən-ir jera-lir xov-at Armri e-bəti-umuš side-əj.
/i je'ris-ət xə'ni:r jera'lir xovat
armri ebitjumuš s:idjəj /
Jeris, about.dat daughter.dat your.dat Armri call-irrealis_active_ptplc good-3sg

Jeris, your daughter Armri being-named would be good.
≃ Jeris, Armri would be a good name for your daughter.

Here, the author clearly knew the name of a member of the recipient congregation, and apparently that he was unsure about the name to give the child in case it was a daughter.

Secondary Effects

In areas where this religion has a sizeable presence, the empire often sponsor the letter-carrying activities, turning the religious organization into a proto-post office for the regional powers. Even in a significantly later, secularized time, the various postal organizations carry a certain heritage from this religion.

Conclusion

The circulating letter system is a method by which religious praxis and doxis is spread, maintained and developed over time. The system permits the religion to change rather drastically over time, and introduces a slight amount of democracy, albeit rather flawed, into the system. The system also creates an internal set of tensions and regional differences.

A Conreligious Detail: Scripture as Circulating Texts

June 13th, 2021

This text describes a practice of one of the Bryatesle-Dairwueh religions.

Consider a religion wherein the notion of scripture exists, but is significantly different from that of, say, Christianity or Islam.

One type of scripture that is, afaict, unique to Abrahamic religions, is the letter. Christianity has, in its "primary" volume of scripture a set of letters - the epistles. In Judaism, letters do not occur in the Bible, nor do they occur in the Quran in Islam, but in the ongoing process of halakha and sharia - decisions on questions of Jewish and Islamic law - responsa/fatwas from earlier authorities - historically often sent as letters - form an important part of the source material for the decisions. The Jewish and Muslim canon is sort of closed but in some sense, the responsa and fatwa literature is an open scriptural corpus, where new - as well as hypothetical - issues are being discussed and evaluated.

This idea takes that "religious mechanic" and puts some twists on it.

Let's now rather imagine that letters with a variety of religious content - spiritual claims, ethical advice, ritual advice, political advice, eschatological claims, prayers, hymns, stories - are in circulation, but that there's a tradition against copying them.

New letters sometimes enter into circulation, and are deemed as acceptable depending on how well they conform to the known letters of the community to which it first arrives. 

When a community receives a letter, there's a festive celebration - and when they send it on the way, there's a festive celebration.  Physical copies of letters naturally deteriorate over time. A deteriorated letter is not replaced by a copy. Other letters replace it. Some ideas will be lost, some ideas will change over time, some new ideas will enter. The loss of a letter to entropy also is the cause of ritual observances.

The letter and its paraphernalia

With the letter, a rather stylized wooden pole into which the symbols of the eight first congregations to receive and accept the letter are carved (exceptions with as many as twenty congregations may be found). If there is some theme that lends itself to a nice graphical representation, this may affect the ornamentations of the stick. Sometimes, the end of the pole is shaped as animal heads, human heads, implements of war or of agriculture, lamps or candleholders, hands showing culturally important gestures, and in at least a handful of examples human genitalia. The letter itself is inside a leather pouch attached by strings to the stick. 

The pouch may also contain letters about the letter - inquiring as to the veracity of the authorship, clarifying correspondences, etc. Sometimes, ritual objects or relics may be included.

What does it take to get a letter into circulation?

Upon being received at its first congregation, the local clergy - possibly with some input from congregants, and clergy nearby, the letter is taken into consideration. The reputation of the author and of the carrier are taken into account. Nearby congregations may be consulted - and short letters about the letter may be exchanged. When some time has passed, a decision is made, and the letter is - under festive forms - bound to the stylized wooden pole that has been prepared for it, and sent onward to some other congregation.

The next congregation will, after receiving it, arrange a festive occasion for reading the letter aloud. At this occasion, the symbol of the congregation is also carved into the accompanying pole.

A congregation (or rather, its leaders) may decide that it's undecided as to the validity of the letter. If so, it is sent onward without celebration. Onto the pole, a thread is tied with a specific type of knot. If they hold the letter to be invalid, a different type of knot is used.

When receiving a letter with either type of knot, if the congregation decides to uphold the letter as worth keeping in the religion, the congregation's symbol is carved into the pole, and one knot is removed. If deciding to reject the letter or to be undecided, a second knot of the relevant type is added. If the pole receives six undecided-type knots or three reject-type knots, the letter is destroyed in an unceremonious event. Most congregations also consider the reject-type knots to contribute to the undecided sum, so four undecided and two reject-knots would sum as six undecided knots and so warrant destroying it.

Once the letter has received more than five congregational marks and no knots remain, it basically is accepted. In some cases, there's been straggling knots all the way to the sixteenth congregation, but it's unusual to add more knots once the fifth congregation has accepted it. 

This procedure does seem to favor early support over late skepticism.

End of Life

As the letter is worn out by time, a congregation will at some point upon receiving it conclude that it no longer is legible. The letter is then given similar rites as a dying human would receive. A month later, a funeral for the letter takes place, during which the letter is burned. Any relics included with it are either kept at the temple or buried. The pole is returned to its originating congregation, where it too is burned in a funeral-like service.

Circulation

Often, the letters are sent to nearby congregations in a rather haphazard way. Clergy who meet other congregations' clergymen may make deals as to where to send letters over the next years. A certain randomness is inherent and seems to be desired by those who maintain the system. A small temple may have anywhere from zero to three letters in its possession at any time, a large, urban temple may have as many as twenty.

If a clergyman perceives that a certain issue is present in his congregation, he may ask surrounding clergymen to forward letters pertaining to that particular topic.

Effects on doctrine, rite and ethics

The corpus of letters in circulation is written over decades - some letters even being more than a century old - by several dozen writers over a land area corresponding to the size of the Ukraine. Naturally, there are contradictions within the corpus.

Since congregations do not keep their letters for very long, the memory of their contents also deteriorates, and teachings are slowly distorted. Thus, whenever a letter arrives and the festivities have subsided, there may be a somber day of correction, when the congregation repents for previously held mistaken beliefs that the letter corrects.

Not all letters have this effect, and in the presence of a contradicting letter, the two inconsistent beliefs will not always be held to require repentance - some congregations seem to favor newly arrived letters over letters that have been received in the recent past (and not yet been forwarded), others seem to give priority to the letter they have had the longest at the moment of reception. There are also congregations that seem to favor the oldest letter in such cases. This has also been discussed in letters, and a congregations decisions may depend on the letters it has had.

Abuses

Certain abuses of the custom have occurred. It is not unusual that letters which make impopular demands are stolen and destroyed. Such demands include sexual abstinence, charity and kindness to the poor, kind treatment of slaves.

Another, less frequent type of abuse is forgery. Usually, this is combined with some kind of theft - going to the effort of fabricating the paraphernalia in addition to the letter itself is a bit of an effort.

At least one example where a letter containing the instruction that clergymen should consecrate marriages by having sex with the bride was forged by some clergymen in collusion.

Content

I hope to include in this blog at some point some samples of the letters, especially in the languages of Dairwueh and Bryatesle. Many of the letters contain non-religious details as well, and a rather sweet example of this is this particular passage, which lead to the popularity of Armri as a female name:

I Jeris-at, xən-ir jera-lir xov-at Armri e-bəti-umuš side-əy.
/i je'ris-ət xə'ni:r jera'lir xovat
armri ebitjumuš s:idjəj /
Jeris, about.dat daughter.dat your.dat Armri call-irrealis_active_ptplc good-3sg

Jeris, your daughter Armri being-named would be good.
≃ Jeris, Armri would be a good name for your daughter.

Here, the author clearly knew the name of a member of the recipient congregation, and apparently that he was unsure about the name to give the child in case it was a daughter.

Conclusion

The circulating letter system is a method by which religious praxis and doxis is spread, maintained and developed over time. The system permits the religion to change rather drastically over time, and introduces a slight amount of democracy, albeit rather flawed, into the system. The system also creates an internal set of tensions and regional differences.

Real Language Examples: Double Negation

June 3rd, 2021

 Light preamble

This post is a "double translation" - it was originally written in Swedish, and for an audience of quite a different level of knowledge about and interest for linguistics.

I think most conlangers are familiar with the typological facts of this matter, but the logical facts of the matter still probably are subject to some misunderstanding. Here, I primarily set out to correct the logical misunderstandings.

IS DOUBLE NEGATION (for a negative meaning) ILLOGICAL?

I would be as bold as to say "no!"

I fully agree that double negation in standard English or Swedish is (for now, at least) best avoided, and that in these languages, it does in fact "cancel out". However, I do not agree that languages in which it fails to cancel out are illogical, and I object to the statement that double negation somehow proves that languages are illogical.

How can this be - isn't ¬¬A A a necessary logical truth? Have I rejected the foundations of logic? Am I stupid? Am I peddling quantum woo or some super-relativist notion of truth? No, as you will see, I fully subscribe to normal notions of truth and logic - but I will investigate some unstated assumptions in the claim that "double negatives are illogical", and we will see that it does not logically follow that linguistic double negation (as a way of encoding negative meaning) is anything illogical. It is in fact an efficient and fairly safe way of handling negation.

0. Arbitrary terminological decision

For this essay, "double negation" will from now on refer to such systems where even number of negations do not cancel out. I will call systems where even amounts of negations do cancel out 'classical double negation'.

1. Mistaken assumption: which operator do languages use?

No one ever investigates the assumption that the only operator that can be used is ¬. I contend that languages where double negation is used, ¬ is not the operator in use. 

Truth table of ¬
¬T ≡ F
¬F ≡ T

However, a fully logical operator that is entirely possible in a system of boolean logic (or any other logic where T and F are values) could be this, for which I've picked ¤ as the symbol.

Truth table of ¤
¤T ≡ F
¤F = F

There is nothing per se illogical about the existence or even the use of such an operator.

This has an interesting effect! This makes the claim that double negatives are illogical per se illogical! Whoever makes the claim has not evaluated the premises, and is working from unstated - and false - premises.

The operator I described, ¤, is not much used in logic - but that's mainly because there's no need for a single operator for every possible truth table. The same "effect" can be obtained by stacking the common operators - and in fact, there are two operators that by themselves are sufficient to express any boolean logical expression, NAND and NOR. Since we generally don't use those in languages very much, any complain about ¤ not being very 'powerful' is really irrelevant.

2. Actual attestations in languages

Most or even all Slavic languages use double negation, as do several Romance languages. Finnish uses a semi-double negation system that is sort of difficult to explain. Other examples are not hard to find. In the Germanic family, double negation systematically appears in Yiddish, as well as in AAVE, and has at various times been rather frequent in the English corpus.

In some dialects of Finland-Swedish "int aldri" appears - "not never". This is, however, often the only double negation present, and should maybe be taken to be a single phrase with simply negative meaning.

3. Problems of double negation

Double negation is less powerful than classical double negation, as we are not able to express complex relationships between negated and non-negated things. However, how often do we benefit from that? It seems to me that most often, one gets worried whether whoever expressed such a statement got the parity of the negations right. 

4. Advantages of double negation

4.1 Redundancy

What if the speaker gets cut off, or what if noise (or a slip of attention) makes the listener miss a negation? What if the papyrus is degraded by 2000 years in a jar?

Redundancy is a feature, not a bug.

 

4.2 Cognitive burden

It seems our brains are really not made for keeping track of the parity of negations. The risk of failing to get the parity right due to the mental burden - or the risk of concentrating only on the negations instead of on other, pertinent content in the statement - grows pretty quickly in a classical double negation system.

4.3 Confidence in the speaker/writer

When filling out questionnaires, do you ever get the feeling that you do not trust the author's ability to keep track of stacked negatives? Certainly, it will not only be listeners and readers who fail to parse a stack of classical double negatives correctly - speakers and writers will fail to generate the proper amount of classical double negations, making parsing a sentence with classical double negations a game of second-guessing.

When filling out questionnaires, I usually do not have a problem parsing multiply negated sentences - however, I never feel confident that the designer of the questionnaire knew what he was expressing.

5. Advantages of classical double negation

5.1 Logical expressiveness

¤ are not able to combine in stacks to express a variety of complicated nested negations. However, as previously pointed out, this is seldom a good strategy for communication due to the cognitive burden it presents. If ¤ does not affect negations nested in "self-contained units" - such as subclauses - within a statement, the same effects can be obtained by utilizing subclauses and similar devices to "reinstate" classical double negation. I am actually fairly sure most languages with double negation do this. However, this advantage is pretty meagre - most of the statements that can be constructed can be constructed just as well without classical double negation. Let's imagine ! as ¤:s sister, with the difference that ! does reinstate classical double negation with regards to subclauses.

DN: n¤ one did n¤t knew she had n¤ time = no one knew she had no time

CDN: n! one d!dn't know she had n! time
Ok, so - someone knew she had time?

Why not say that then, instead of mucking about with useless negations that cancel out anyway.

5.2 Linguistic momentum of languages that have classical double negation

Tradition is basically one of the most important things in language - you can't just decide to change something as in-grained as the finer details of how negation works without running into problems. People who are very "linguoplastic" might be able to turn quickly, but it is also likely they'd quickly be turned back by interactions with less "linguoplastic" people. Besides, there's a significant amount of literature, articles, movies, plays, songs, etc where the classical double negation obtains - changing English or Swedish on a whim would be near impossible - much like changing Spanish to a classical double negation language would be impossible.

Similarly, speakers of AAVE, for instance, should probably keep using double negation when speaking with other speakers of AAVE (and with speakers of other types of English who display some kind of familiarity with AAVE, exemplified, for instance, by the ability to correctly parse the double negative*), because that is what is expected of them - and as I've previously shown, it's not illogical.

In English, most contexts where double negation is used seem to be coded by a variety of things - certain genres of music, certain regiolects, certain types of people in movies. As long as that holds, one can generally be sure to know when to parse the double negation as a double negation rather than a classical double negation.

6. Is it random happenstance that people think one defining trait of AAVE is illogical?
I fully believe that white prejudice against southerners and African-Americans is one reason why people think such linguistic structures are illogical. Well, whoop-de-fucking-do, whoever thinks these structures are illogical is illogical himself and should probably shut up about logic and go and learn instead and stop thinking of the double negative in AAVE and southern English as providing any insight into how logical AAVE or southern vernacular English is, or into the ability of southerners and African-Americans to apply logic.

Recent years have really shown how willing people are to throw "facts and logic" around with barely any ability to apply logic. There's in particular a rather shitty group of people who browbeat people all around with "facts and logic" - but I am convinced this is not just a result of them being scum - it's a result of us not only tolerating bad logic, but nurturing bad logic in the belief that it is good logic. Let's fucking get logical, take back logic from those who would defile it in such a way, and properly excise bad logic from our thinking.
 
7. Conclusion
Switching from one system to another in any language is probably not worthwhile. However, I hope we finally could drop the fallacious claim that double negatives in languages are illogical - since that claim itself is fallacious and based on a really bad understanding of what logic is.

* And that ability, of course, just goes to show a lot about their objection.

Designing an Artificial Language: Vocabulary Design

June 1st, 2021

Rick Morneau is a long-time language creator who lives in rural Idaho. In the early 1990s, he wrote a series of essays on language design that proved to be quite influential in the early language creation community. Their quality has endured since their original publication, and continue to be read and enjoyed by language creators the world over.

Abstract

This is a very brief introduction to a word design system. For a comprehensive treatment of the same topic, read the monograph Lexical Semantics.

Version History


This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivs 3.0 Unported License.

Detail #410: Degrees of Definiteness and Tension between the Degrees

May 22nd, 2021

English has two levels of definiteness. Definite signifies that the referent is (expected by the speaker to be an) established referent in the mind of the listener.

A third degree exists in some languages, viz. specific: an established referent in the mind of the speaker

In English, "specific" sometimes is realized identically to indefinite: "I am looking for a car" (this can be either me looking for a new car, I have not yet decided which), or I may be on the search for a very specific car, I am presenting the information so as to establish a referent in your mind. This could be followed by "The car was last seen on this very island." - the referent has been established in the listener's mind.

Other languages have no definite, only specific - anything that is definite is likely also to be definite.

There are, however, situations where definite forms are used with specific referents despite lack of frame of reference in the listener's mind: "the tea I had this morning was pretty good.", not "a tea I had this morning" or "some tea" or even just "tea". It seems restrictive attributes make specific meaning take on definite marking. The speaker does not even have to assume that the listener knows of his matutinal tea habit.

Could we draw the line elsewhere?

1) Make the marking more consistent
Naturally, we could consider the restrictive attribute by itself to be sufficiently specific that a definite article is superfluous, and have "a tea I drank this morning was pretty good" be used when it is specific. This seems even more likely if the language has a visible distinction between restrictive and descriptive attributes.

2) Have different rules in different syntactic contexts

Some languages have definiteness marked only in some contexts - c.f. the Turkish direct object rule. Here, I see several interesting possibilities:

  1. First person subjects license specific marking on objects and other NPs in the VP.
  2. Split ergativity, in which either the ergative or accusative side of the system has a case distinction that marks for specific/definite distinction. This might be triggered by person (see previous point), or various environments such as subclauses (maybe specifically narrative such).
  3. Maybe specific and definite nouns interact with congruence in different ways. This may restrict the environments in which it is explicitly marked:
    1. Maybe only subjects (or only objects, or both but not other constituents) have verb congruence that permit for this distinction?
    2. Maybe the marking on the adjective also is two-fold, but splits the difference differently. Thus red.def house.def is definite, but red.indef house.def is specific. (Here, "red.def house.indef" would seem like an attractive solution as well, if we assume Adj N word order.)

3) Multiple levels of specific-definite-contraspecific and ways in which the specificness and definitenesses of different speech participants interact in marking.

It is conceivable, that a speaker might want to communicate that he does not have a clear idea yet of the thing the listener has spoken of, and so could mark the lack of understanding as [+definite -specific]. In such a language, clearly, both specificity and definiteness need to be marked independently - but potentially, it could be marked independently in a way that isn't always visible or always clearly distinct. Consider, for instance, a system where adjectives mark for indefinite, specific-or-definite, whereas nouns only mark "specific-or-indefinite" vs. "definite". The normal "specific" combination would thus be "specific-or-definite" adjective but "specific-or-indefinite" noun. However, in that case, an indefinite adjective combined with a definite noun would perchance convey this confusion. The locuses needn't be nouns and adjectives, could as well be verbs and nouns or other carriers of congruence. Any ways, the adjectival congruence solution is nice because adjectives are often optional.

4) Have different rules for nouns of different topical salience

One could imagine a system whereby nouns that are topics have more levels of distinction.

5) Have different rules for nouns of different noun classes or number

Plurals or inanimates or mass nouns might very well differ. The difference may be a thing that has purely cultural origins, or may be the result of sound changes eliminating the distinction for some forms.

6) In some languages with articles, there are contexts where no article is used. One could consider having articles dropped whenever there is tension or uncertainty regarding [?specific ?definite], or whenever unusual combinations such as [-specific +definite] appear.


#537

May 5th, 2021

A conlang, but the only way to learn it is entering a multilevel marketing scheme.

A Grammar of Hiuʦɑθ

May 1st, 2021

Jessie Sams is an Associate Professor of Linguistics at Stephen F. Austin State University. She generally teaches courses rooted in linguistic analysis of English, though one of her favorite courses to teach is her Invented Languages course, where students construct their own languages throughout the semester (she was even able to get Invented Languages officially on the books at SFA with its own course number). Her research primarily focuses on syntax and semantics, especially the intersection of the two within written English quotatives; constructed languages; and history of the English language and English etymology. Since 2019, she’s worked as a professional conlanger on the Freeform series Motherland: Fort Salem. In her free time, she enjoys reading, hosting game nights with friends, baking (especially cupcakes), and, of course, conlanging.

Abstract

This is the full grammar of the Hiutsɑθ language, created by Jessie Sams. Hiuʦɑθ is an invented language that appears in a series of novels writ- ten for young adults.

Version History

Creative Commons License
This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivs 3.0 Unported License

#536

April 28th, 2021

Old Kay(f)bop(t). Reconstructing Old Kay(f)bop(t) can reveal much information about Kay(f)bop(t) that is of no use whatsoever. The modern fedora hat phoneme was formed by the merger of a pork pie hat and a Bavarian hat. The greater/less than $10 suffixes originally referred to 10 cents and there was formerly another suffix meaning “beyond material value” which has disappeared from modern Kay(f)bop(t). The proto-language had dental fricatives which evolved into the faciomanual click (because people face-palmed every time they pronounced them wrong) although before voiceless consonants they instead became a clap (it’s a long story). Old Kay(f)bop(t) was written in English phonetic spelling.

#535

April 28th, 2021

Create a conlang set on the Boiling Isles, with the singular, plural, and witches’ dual.

Ŋʒädär: Indefinite Address

April 23rd, 2021

Indefinite address in Ŋʒädär differs from that of English significantly. Indefinite address does reuse parts of the indefinite pronoun system for some constructions - but only because the dedicated indefinite second person address pronouns lack certain case forms.

1. Indefinite 2nd person

Besides the usual second person pronoun vär, Ŋʒädär has a rather special second person indefinite pronoun, 'jusa(n)' (absolutive), 'jusam' (dative). It has a rather simplified case morphology, but has a specialized morphological system. It seems fairly clear it originates with the imperative "jus", listen up.

1.1 Use

The pronoun is used when addressing (at least) one individual out of a group, such that the speaker is not aware of the identity, but is able to deduce the existence of, or at the very least suspects the existence of, a person that fulfills some given criteria. In writings, it an also address any reader that has some quality, or any reader in general. With the spread of literacy, it has especially taken to being the term of address employed when instructing any reader to do something - in letters to a specific reader, the second person is used instead.

1.2 Morphology 

The pronoun only distinguishes two cases, the absolutive and the dative. Other cases are conflated either with the second person pronoun vär, or some  indefinite pronoun (depending on context, style, time, personal preference of the speaker, etc).

However, jusa(n) has some special morphology, with some amount of syncretism in the system. It is similar to the indefinite pronouns lisar and nusar, with the exception that lisar and nusar have a full case system (with some syncretism).


adnominaladattributaladclausal
absolutivejusar, lisar
jusada, lisada
sajusan, salisan
dativejusam, lisam
jusada, lisada
jusam, lisam
 

Forms such as jusaŋa, jusus, jusuk, jusluno etc do appear in speech, but rather infrequently. They do seem to elicit a certain sense of "wrongness" whenever used, both in most hearers and speakers. 

The adnominal can refer to an adjective or a noun.

jusar ŋator ('someone fast (among you)')
jusar kamma ('a/the chieftain (among you)')

lisar ŋator (someone fast)
nusar ŋator (something fast)

If it is known that at most one such individual can exist, the 2nd person plural possessive often marks the noun or adjective, i.e.

jusar kamma-un ('your chieftain' - assumed to be present)
jusar ŋator-un ('the fastest person among you')

Sometimes, the complement case is used both for adjectives and nouns:

jusar ŋatoɣuv (in northwestern: jusaɣ ŋat:wuo)
jusar kammo-ɣuv (in northwestern: jusaš kaŋ:wuo)

In early modern Ŋʒädär and still in northern and northwestern Ŋʒädär, this marks a weakened certainty of the presence of such a person. In central and southwestern, it has rather come to be used with irrealis verb forms and questions.